Interregnum
When a republic runs out of time...
The trouble with the Trump–Epstein affair is not that it’s sordid. America has processed sordidness before. Nor is it that the allegations are shocking. Shock has a half-life now measured in minutes. The problem is scale—temporal, institutional, and moral. The thing is too large to be handled by the governmental mechanisms that exist to handle things.
We are told, repeatedly, to wait. Wait for investigations. Wait for reviews. Wait for redactions to protect victims that somehow always manage to expose them. Wait while documents appear, disappear, and reappear like a bad magic trick performed by someone who learned sleight of hand from an evil magician. Wait while the same names surface across decades, administrations, donor lists, and dinner invitations, then submerge beneath a layer of process so thick it could stop a bullet.
At a certain point, waiting ceases to be a civic virtue and becomes an alibi.
This is the point at which legitimacy quietly leaves the room.
Political theory has a word for that moment: interregnum. It’s the interval between orders, when the old authority no longer commands belief and the new one has not yet arrived. The law remains printed, the buildings remain staffed, the seals remain embossed. What’s gone is the conviction that the system is capable of properly regulating itself—particularly when the defendants appear to be underwriting the courthouse.
That courthouse, it should be said, now includes a U.S. Supreme Court that has methodically disqualified itself from any claim to moral arbitration. A court whose members accept luxury gifts, real estate favors, undisclosed travel, “future employment” promises for family members, and other inventive forms of deferred compensation—then assure the public, pinky swear, that none of it counts as bribery because no one wrote bribe on the memo line. A court that has demonstrated, repeatedly, that it understands corruption not as a threat to democracy but as a clerical error best solved by narrowing the definition of corruption until it fits inside a cocktail napkin.
The legislature fares no better. Congress now operates less as a coequal branch than as a holding pen for politicians openly financed, disciplined, and threatened by billionaires who treat elections as subscription fees. Many of those legislators are also beholden—financially, politically, and reputationally—to a genocidal Israel’s lobbying apparatus, which has perfected the art of translating “support” into campaign cash and “criticism” into career-ending retaliation. When policy positions arrive pre-sorted by donor demand and enforced by fear, representation becomes mere theater.
This is not a conspiracy. It’s ongoing sedition, a fucking tumor invading and squeezing the miraculously still-beating heart of American democracy. Jeffrey Epstein, it’s been shown to no sharp public reaction, unfortunately, was almost certainly a Mossad or Mossad-adjacent, Israeli-supported blackmailer assisted by Ghislaine Maxwell, herself the daughter of an Israeli secret agent. But it appears Epstein, a ravenous pedophile and child molester has far exceeded Ghislaine’s sociopathic old Dad when it comes to controlling and manipulating America’s oligarchs and others in various prominent positions within American society.
The Epstein/Israeli blackmail network—because “case” is an insultingly small word for it—has thrived and metastasized because it’s not sustained by secrecy alone, but by a shared understanding that certain people will never face consequences because too many powerful institutions would have to indict themselves in the process. It survives by treating delay as strategy and procedure as camouflage. It depends on a cynical faith that the whipped and dominated public will grow frightened—or, worse, bored—before the truth grows visible.
That faith has been misplaced.
Government is not built to confront crimes that implicate its own funders, advisers, regulators, and judges. Prosecutors can chase individuals; they cannot prosecute a system that pays their salaries. Oversight committees and corrupt pols like the senator from Israel Chuck Schumer can issue stern letters; they cannot compel courage from colleagues whose next campaign depends on silence. In fact, Schumer is probably paid not to do just that. Courts can invent doctrines; they cannot manufacture legitimacy once it’s evaporated.
And hovering over all of it is our pervert president Donald Trump, a fucking total failure of a human being, whom the latest release of the Epstein files reveals in much greater detail than before to be a stinking, selfish malignant narcissist shitball. One of the million or so files released yesterday alleges he tested underage girls for sexual suitability for his invited guests by inserting his finger in their vulvas to ascertain “tightness.” Yeah, that’s certainly a potential anecdote for the fucking history books.
And isn’t it obvious by now—our totally, utterly, massively perverted and corrupt president ordered the death of his intimate, one-time best friend?
On top of that, we all know Trump’s affinity for authoritarianism has never been subtle. His admiration for Vladimir Putin—dictator, mass murderer, and professional state criminal—is not a diplomatic quirk. It’s a preview. Trump’s politics point in one direction only: toward a world in which power excuses everything, cruelty is not only strength but perverted titillation, loyalty is purchased, and law exists solely to protect those monsters who break it most efficiently.
When a pervert president, an adult diaper-shitting totalitarian-in-waiting, looks at oligarchic Russia and sees a role model, the problem is no longer hypothetical.
When the courts are compromised, the legislature is captured, and the increasingly senile, utterly corrupt executive is openly hostile to accountability, sovereignty does not disappear. It returns to its owner.
This is where the Interregnum begins.
An Interregnum of Consent means riots of cleansing violence. It means the complete suspension of deference. It’s the collective decision by a free, if somewhat chronically neglectful people, to stop pretending that a rotten structure will heal itself if only given enough time, quiet, and good manners. It’s the refusal to accept that reputation laundering counts as justice, or that power confers innocence retroactively.
In such intervals, punishment is not the point. Public executions are. As well as swift and vicious reprisals for the lesser traitors:
Names attached to facts. Histories stapled to careers. Introductions that come with footnotes. A public memory that does not reset when a better-tailored suit appears on a stage or a judge issues a smug reassurance about norms. No rebrand. No absolution-by-press-release. No forgetting.
This is not vigilantism. It’s pure, unfettered civic hygiene.
Interregnums ask violent, bloody actions of citizens, but it’s not a revolution. It’s a thorough house cleaning. If we are to conduct our much-needed interregnum properly, of course, we must require a certain level of documentation, but not excessively so, before we hurl our lethal spikes of outrage. It requires that We the People make clear to these degenerate fucks and their networks of sadism and exploitation that no institution is coming to save them. That, by their actions, they have placed themselves in archives that simply will never vanish. Like social media that refuses to “move on.” Like voters who understand that association is information. Like a greedy, evil donor class discovering that money can never erase infamy.
Above all, the Interregnum requires that We the People realize at this point in our badly mangled, broken-as-hell democracy that no court, no Congress, no billionaire, and certainly no murderous, foreign-aligned lobby is going to clean this up for us.
Only We the People can clean our own house. And the house, by now, is utterly fucking trashed. We have much work to do.
Interregnums end in one of two ways. Either legitimacy is rebuilt through real accountability, or it’s replaced by something harder, uglier, and far less forgiving. History suggests that elites prefer reform right up until the moment they make it impossible.
So, we should kill them all first.
